Over the past seven years, Mexico’s constitutional landscape has undergone a sweeping transformation. Since President Andrés Manuel López Obrador took office in December 2018, the Morena-led coalition has approved 63 constitutional reforms, altering 106 articles of the country’s foundational legal document. The scale and pace of these changes mark one of the most active periods of constitutional revision in recent Mexican history.
The reforms span a wide array of policy areas, including education, energy, public security, and electoral governance. Many reflect the administration’s broader Fourth Transformation (4T) agenda—a political project aimed at redefining Mexico’s institutional and economic model. Key amendments include expanding the military’s role in public security through the National Guard, reasserting state control over energy resources, and modifying the structure of electoral institutions.
Such constitutional changes require a high threshold: two-thirds approval in both chambers of Congress and ratification by a majority of state legislatures. Morena and its allied parties have maintained sufficient majorities in Congress for most of López Obrador’s presidency. In addition, political alignment with many state governments facilitated swift ratification at the local level.
The volume of constitutional change under AMLO is among the highest in recent Mexican history.
Supporters argue that these reforms correct what they see as distortions introduced during Mexico’s neoliberal era. They view the rollback of energy liberalization and the strengthening of state institutions as necessary steps toward national sovereignty and social equity. The administration has also framed its security reforms as pragmatic responses to persistent violence and institutional weakness.
However, critics contend that the rapid succession of amendments risks undermining constitutional stability. Legal scholars and opposition parties have raised concerns about the concentration of power in the executive branch and the limited scope for public deliberation. Several reforms were fast-tracked through Congress with minimal debate, prompting accusations that democratic norms were sidelined in favor of political expediency.
“The volume of constitutional change under AMLO is among the highest in recent Mexican history,” said one analyst, reflecting on the administration’s legislative imprint.
Some reforms have faced legal challenges or been partially overturned by Mexico’s Supreme Court, underscoring tensions between branches of government. These judicial interventions highlight ongoing institutional friction and suggest that not all elements of the 4T agenda will endure unchallenged.
As a new administration prepares to take office in late 2024, questions remain about the durability of these constitutional changes. Future governments may seek to revise or repeal contentious provisions, particularly those lacking broad consensus or facing legal uncertainty. The coming years will test whether López Obrador’s constitutional legacy represents a lasting shift or a temporary reconfiguration shaped by political alignment.
